Thursday 25 June 2020

Qualities and attributes of a critical thinker

As part of the Open Learn on-line course "Succeeding in Postgraduate Study" I've been thinking about what the attributes and qualities of a critical thinker are.

While critical thinking is separate from subject knowledge it would be difficult for postgraduate study for anyone without a deep knowledge of the subject matter, so an extensive understanding of the subject is essential. The critical thinker will need good observation and information gathering skills. He or she needs to analyse evidence, arguments and claims and to be able to evaluate them - critical thinking requires the ability to distinguish between fact and opinion. The critical thinker needs to be able to make inferences based on deductive and inductive reasoning and apply this to decision making and imaginative problem solving. 

We would expect our critical thinker to be very inquisitive and have a passion for uncovering the truth. They must be empathetic and open minded, able to view things from other peoples' point of view and able to take on board new ideas, and, if necessary, discard or modify ideas in the light of new evidence. He or she should have a balanced and fair opinion of the work of others, and reflect carefully on their own knowledge and critical thinking skills.

Sunday 21 June 2020

Article - Tartessian as Celtic and Phoenician as a possible substrate? Steve Hewitt

I was interested to read this article because having read the summary article on Celtic from the West, I was interested in the idea of Tartessian as an ancestor of the Celtic languages, as this would fit in well with the idea of migration from the Iberian peninsula through the Atlantic coastline.

However, while it appears that there are some similarities between Tartessian and the Celtic languages, there also seem to be a number of things that suggest that they are not related. Few professional Celticists support the idea.

The other suggestion proposed in the article is that Phoenician was a possible substrate to Tartessian, as there were Phoenician trading settlements in the area. However, it looks unlikely, not least because when a dominant language acts as a superstrate to a subordinate language the influence is mainly lexical. When a subordinate language acts as a substrate then the influence is mainly structural. Phoenician was the dominant language, and unlikely to have influence on the structure of Tartessian.

So, it looks like these hypotheses are to be rejected.






Article - Celtic From the West - A summary of the argument - Steven A Williams

A summary of the article "Celtic from the West" Barry Cunliffe and John Koch.

The article suggests that the Celtic homeland, rather than being in middle Europe arose in the West of the British Isles and that the Celtic languages arose as a lingua franca (descended from PIE) between the communities along the Atlantic coast. There are three strands to the evidence: linguistic, genetic and archaeological. 

Linguistic: the earliest mention of the Celts in classical literature places them along the Atlantic coastline. The distribution of Celtic place names matches well to the distribution of the communities along this coast. Analyses of Celtic languages suggest that they split from PIE ancestor before 4000 BCE. This article mentions that Tartessian (from southern Iberia) may be an ancestor of Celtic (see genetic evidence below also blog post on Tartessian as Celtic)

Genetic: genetic evidence (Oppenheimer) shows people migrating from the Iberian peninsula and settling along the Atlantic coastline. There is no genetic evidence for mass migrations of people from the 'traditional' Celtic homelands in middle Europe at the appropriate period.

Archaeological: Cunliffe shows that there was a 'flowering' of an Atlantic Cultural Zone which matches well to the other evidence.

This Atlantic Cultural Zone traded within the communities and would have required a shared lingua franca. Trade also developed with NW Europe.

The evidence for this seems solid to me, and matches well to the arguments that I am currently reading in Oppenheimer "The Origins of the British".


Tuesday 9 June 2020

Notes - The Celtic Hypothesis by M. R. Quartz

One of the big things that historians and archaeologists believed in the past was that there had been a series of 'invasions' of Britain - hordes of invaders sweeping in from the Continent and overwhelming the more 'primitive' society living here with their greater numbers and better weapons technology. Then it began to be recognised that, actually, there is very little archaeological evidence for invasions. Now genetics has taught us that while we know that there were movements of people into Britain after the Last Glacial Maximum (when Britain was uninhabitable), the 'invasions' were largely movements of cultures, not the movement of large numbers of people, and not extermination of the previous populations. The hordes of Angles, Saxons and Jutes, who were supposed to have slaughtered the Celtic Britons, and extinguished their language just didn't exist. 

But, there is a problem inherent in this. English is a West Germanic language, and, as far as is known, the language in Britain at the time of the Roman Invasion was Brittonic, or Brythonic, a Celtic language that is the ancestor of the Celtic languages Welsh, Cornish and Breton. As we now know that while there were Anglo Saxons arriving in Britain in the Dark Ages (450 - 650 CE), these were not in vast numbers. Not enough?to extinguish the Brittonic language, so why is all the evidence that is left of it in England a few toponyms (place names) - in particular, river names such as Avon and Esk/Usk? The question, then, is what happened to the Brythonic language if it wasn't a massive invasion that slaughtered the vast majority of the Britons and stamped out their language? People don't just stop talking a language. After the Norman invasion the English didn't start speaking French - yes, they took on Norman French words, but the basic grammar of the language, and most of the really key words are still descended from Anglo-Saxon.

There are a number of possibilities, which I intend to return to in later posts.

This book proposes that there were sufficient Anglo Saxons that arrived to have their own settlements, and that they were more of a ruling class than the existing natives of the area - perhaps they would have had more weapons than the local? Then these two groups, the local Brittonic speakers, and the speakers of Anglo-Saxon lived in the same area in parallel. The Saxons largely spoke Old English, the Celts spoke Brythonic. The Celtic language acted as substrate to the English, and caused a number of grammatical changes in it. Effectively, Old English was a pidgin of Anglo Saxon and Brythonic, that developed into the Creole of Modern English. There are certainly a number of pieces of evidence for this in the structure of  English (and in earlier regional variations of English - under the influence of local Celtic speakers).

For one researcher Theo Vennemann, if a Celtic form of English varies from Standard English or if an English form varies from other Germanic languages, then it is due to a Celtic substratum. There are some interesting examples discussed, including:
  • the form of the possessive, which comes in two forms: 'internal' eg: his head and 'external' the head. Old English changed from the external variety, to the internal variety, which is different to most other Germanic languages. This is the common form in Insular Celtic languages.
  • the English progressive structure 'to be (do)ing', which has few parallels in Germanic languages, but is a feature of Celtic languages.
  • alternatives to Yes/No answers. Speakers of Welsh know that you can't just answer a questions with Yes or No. Like the old 'Take Your Pick!' show with the minute of questions which you couldn't answer Yes or No to - without being 'Bonged out', you have to reply with an answer "He did..", "I will.. ", "She is...", etc. English, unlike other Germanic languages uses this form a great deal, sometimes with a Yes, or No included. "I didn't, no," "He can't," "Yes, she could," etc. The prime example of this is the ritualised answers in the marriage service: "I do", which begins with "Ja" in the German equivalent.
  • Use of reflexive pronouns with '-self' including 'oneself', which has parallels in all Insular Celtic languages, but none in any other Germanic language.
  • Germanic languages lost the interdental fricatives:

    /q/ and /ð/ at an early stage. As these are still used in Welsh it makes sense that they were retained in English from a Celtic substratum.

There are other examples given as well. It is certainly an interesting theory, that hopefully will yield more information with more research. I will return to the issue of "Why do we speak English?" in my notes on Stephen Oppenheimer's "the Origins of the British".

Friday 5 June 2020

The Structure of Breton 2 - Mutations introduction

Initial consonants of words in Celtic languages undergo mutation in certain conditions. This means that the first sound of the word changes to another sound. In Welsh, nine sounds can mutate: t, c, p, b, g, d, ll, m, rh.

Note that the sound in Welsh that is written F is pronounced as /v/, DD is pronounced /ð/ - as in the English word "these", TH is pronounced /q/ - as in the English word "three".


The nine initial consonants in Welsh that can mutate, 
and the three types of mutation

The eight initial consonants in Breton that mutate
and the four types of mutation














Mutations in Breton happen in certain conditions and environments: 
  • after certain words ('mutators')
  • depending upon gender and number of a noun and following adjectives
  • to distinguish homophones
(Links to be added)

HARD MUTATION

SPIRANT MUTATION

SOFT MUTATION

MIXED MUTATION









The Structure of Breton 1 - definite and infinite articles

Breton is an insular Celtic language, most closely related to the other two languages in the Brythonic branch, Welsh and Cornish. It shares many common features with the other Celtic languages, and additionally has both vocabulary and grammatical features which have been added under influence of the French language.

The normal word order for Breton, as with other Celtic languages, is VSO, but there is considerable freedom in Breton about word order, especially with emphatic sentences - more later in a separate post.

Breton has two genders, masculine and feminine, number (singular and plural). It has definite articles in common with the other Celtic languages. Uniquely for a Celtic language it also has indefinite articles under influence of French.

Like Welsh the definite article depends not on gender, but on the initial sound of the following word.

Breton Articles


Following the preposition "in" the direct articles combine with the preposition to give el, en, er "in the":
er gambr - "in the room"
el labouradeg "in the factory"

In common with all other Celtic languages, when a noun is followed by a complement - it is qualified by another noun which follows it - it does not use the article.

"The door of the house"